Global Negotiator

A preliminary survey of the keyimori in Ordos 27 2. Batai, Erdeni, Altanorgil and Si.


The river flows down like a proud dragon jumping from the sky, with the same majesty. Further on, as it flows from the west to the east from Kazakhstan it reaches China after originating with its main water from the glacier of the Tngri Mountains. In the upper part the river has three tributaries: In its lower part the river passes miles including such ancient cities as Alimatu Al- maty and goes on into the Balkhash Lake where it finally rests.

With regard to the Mongolküre majority of Ölets, they are the remnants from the great massacre of Jungars who were destroyed by the Manchu Qing dynasty in — Those who live in other regions are Torguts who escaped the same fate in from Jungaria and Jungars themselves who survived purges and united with them. For ten years between and , I worked there on the basis of the doc- toral degree grant of the State Foundation of Social Sciences, a special grant of the State Foundation of Social Sciences, the grant of the Association to Develop Japa- nese Research grant for co-operation of scholars from Mongolia, Japan and Chi- na , the grant for teachers of the Minzu University in Beijing, as well as state and university grants for co-operation with foreign scholars.

I examined state, province and city registers, archives, museums, libraries and cultural centers and particularly private collections of many regions, including Urumqi, Khobogsair Hoboksar , Altay, Bayingolin, Bortala and Ili of Xinjiang; Hailar, Ningcheng, Huhhot and Alasha of Inner Mongolia; three provinces of Northeastern China: Ulaanbaatar, Uvs and Khovd.

As the most fortunate I regard my discovery that there was a very strong cul- tural influence to preserve Mongolian books in the regions as far as from the west- ern border of Ili to the region of Kharchin Tümed, and I found work on this sub- ject the most meaningful in my life. Deeper understanding of Mongolian intellec- tual tradition and Mongolian culture became possible owing to this.

It is not only an important proof that Mongolian nomads preserved books with love and care, treating them as precious, like gold and gems. They also im- pressed the world by creating a culture of numerous substantial books.

During my research fieldwork the most astonishing were the collections of mainly early books written in the Clear Script todo üsüg , kept by the Ölets living in the upper stream Ili River. Important places for preservation of books by the Ölets are: A part of them moved west to the River Volga after and is known as Kalmyk.

One tribe of the Kalmyk, the Torghut, moved back to Xinjiang around In the returning Torghut were resettled in the upper Ili valley. The name Jungar was banned in China after Instead the name Ölet was used.

The Oirat consist of four main groups: Jungar, Dörbet, Khoshut, Torghut. The name Oirat or Jungar is often used as a name for all four groups. Some people keep two hundred books, some keep over a hundred. The collec- tions of those who have only a few dozens of them are not regarded as impressive. Here, Mongolian texts written in the Clear Script constitute a collection of over several thousand books and it is without any exaggeration a collection which is several times bigger than any of the official collections in China.

It was printed in , at the time of Galdan-Tsering Khan and it is the earliest blockprint in the Clear Script kept in China. Until now, as far as we know, the Ölets living in the upper stream Ili River, are those meritorious ones, who keep the biggest number of books written in the Clear Script in the whole world. Upon the request of two rulers of the Jungars: The Clear Script was used not only by the Four Oirats, but it also became an important tool in foreign relations in Central Asia.

This fact was commented upon by many scholars so there is no need to dwell on it here again. However, it can be mentioned that the Clear Script was used mainly by the Jungars and Torguts, and not so much by the Khoshut, who mainly settled in Tibet and the Kukunor area.

The Clear Script, having been used for over three hundred years, in the 20th century had to face changes. In the s the Russian Kalmyks and in the s the Oirats in western parts of Mongolia stopped using the Clear Script and started writing with the Cyrillic alphabet. At the end of the s the Oirats of Xinjiang in China were encouraged to use the Uyghur-Mongolian script and in the s the Clear Script which used to be taught at schools suddenly ceased to be the subject learnt by the children. Why did the Oirats of Jungaria invent the Clear Script?

What was the reason they eventually abandoned it? Mongolian politics, religion and other connected factors may answer these questions. Moreover, to truly learn and understand the layers covering secrets of this mys- terious nomadic culture is not a simple task. The Mongols are not that simple. Mongolian nomads who achieved high living standard did not only continuously improve their script but they continue to do so today. And moreover, there are signs that they will do it in the future.

The script is said to be the most important agent of culture. Script besides its outer shape and the fact that it is a tool to maintain relations of one society with others, by producing each sound animates the entire ethnic culture, gives life to its skeleton, blood and flesh by becoming its soul and even more. Which script among those which were used and which are being used by the Mongols has truly been approved by the Mongols themselves as scientific? Nowadays scholars defend their own locality, each one their own, or say things from the position of their personal interest.

It is regrettable that there are a very few who look on the problem from the higher position of the culture of Mongoli- an nomads. Mongolian scholars should draw conclusions concerning the problem intro- duced here: They ought to examine this from many perspectives, such as history, culture, state and religion, society, language, science etc.

But because this sort of work is very decisive, it has not been done properly, which is regrettable. And if it was a loss, was it significant or not? Is it not one of the important tasks of our times to do research and review critically this unexpected deed of the Mongols who kept changing their own script! When examining from the distance only within the last one hundred years or so the shift from the Clear Script to the Uyghur-Mongolian Script and from the Clear Script to the Cyrillic, and then from the Uyghur-Mongolian Script to the Cyrillic — how is it possible not to learn from historical experiences and not to draw conclusions and learn your lesson?

The Clear Script was not invented very early , however, among the scripts which have been used by the Mongols it comes just after the Uyghur- Mongolian Script. The number of preserved documents is second only to those in the Uyghur-Mongolian Script. The Clear Script belonged not only to the Four Oirats living on the borders of the Mongolian world and thus should not be neglected.

Monuments in the Clear Script are a significant part of the composition of the culture of Mongolian nomads. The first scholars who did research on documents in the Clear Script were the 19th century Russian scholars.

Golstunski did a lot of work on the documents in the Clear Script. Later, from the s onwards also scholars of Mongolia did quite a substan- tial work. Rinchen, Tsendiin Damdinsüren and V. Tsoloo in the period of the s—s were the outstanding leaders in this field. In the s Kh. Luvsanbaldan continued the work they had begun. Luvsan- baldan, collecting and preserving monuments in the Clear Script together with his research on the Clear Script and its writings, conducted on a considerable scale, became a very significant achievement.

In China, from the s, Qu. Batai, Erdeni, Altanorgil and Si. Norbu directed scholarly work on the Clear Script. It is very regrettable that due to different reasons in the s studies on the monuments in the Clear Script were discontinued in many countries. However, at the beginning of the 21st century they began to reappear.

Studies on the Clear Script do not concentrate solely on the research which was done earlier and could be predicted. The reason for that is the fact that along the western borders of China, in western provinces of Mongolia and among the Kalmyks living in Russia, there is a considerable amount of books kept by com- mon people.

They have not been included into scholarly research until now, there has not been a catalogue of these works and we may say that the work on them is starting only now.

This is not to say that the study which has been done so far should be discarded. Furthermore, it should be emphasized that in the future re- search on these materials should definitely be taken into consideration. Now I would like to introduce some of the findings of my fieldwork done on the Clear Script sources preserved in the upper stream Ili River.

After that I will describe subjects found in the contents of the texts written in the Clear Script. In the end I will outline plans for further research. The upper stream Ili River used to attract scholarly attention like a magnet. However, fieldwork re- search on the Clear Script documents undertaken there since till today can be divided into three phases.

The Chinese Inner Mongolian Institute of Social Sciences holds the biggest collection of early Mongolian texts with considerable number of important and rare works. It is a direct result of persistent and enduring work of Jürungga, Dorongg-a, Erdenitogtaqu, Mergenbagatur, Coyigungjab and others from the older generation of scholars. They traveled all over the country and collected Mongolian texts. Mer- genbagatur, who traveled to Xinjiang, is one of those scholars.

His visit to the up- per stream Ili River and search for books is still remembered by people living there. Nowadays those Oirat works which are kept in the Library of the Inner Mongolian Institute of Social Sciences are mainly texts collected by him. Collections built by Mergenbagatur and others at that time were successful due to the fact that the local governments and people were not only directly involved in the work, but they showed their genuine support towards the project.

Collector Mergenbagatur, with his profound knowledge, knew well the value of the cultural heritage that he had amassed. He stored all of the collected items in the library. During the most difficult period those who had built the collection stored it in the library making it common property. It was an act of courage, re- sponsibility and confidence which should be learnt from them. Also local Ethnic Affairs Commissions, prior to that or later, each established an office. In this way offices set up by the state contributed to the work of collecting and preserving texts of ethnic minorities.

After establishing the office for editing and publishing texts of ethnic minori- ties in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Batu and Galdan and other of- ficers went across Xinjiang and collected several hundreds of texts in the Clear Script. Among them were many texts found amongst the Ölets inhabiting the up- per stream Ili River region.

Norbu, ex vice-head of Xinjiang University, To. At the time of those studies research was conducted mainly under official leadership, however, also quite significant work was under- taken by individual people. Part of the material collected during this phase was placed in the collection in a proper way.

However, it cannot be forgotten that also quite a significant number of rare and important materials was taken away and became private property of individuals, officials or leaders. These documents have not been publicized, unfor- tunately. Only some documents while being taken away were copied and copies were given to the locals. Some of the people who took the books died.

Now there is no way to learn which texts have been taken away. It has to be stressed that as a result of this behavior, owners of the books which were taken from them, not only lost their confidence in scholars, but were later causing problems to the research- ers. But oppressing, hiding and making a private property is not useful to scholarly work. And in the study of eth- nic culture it is forbidden. During these ten years my main work was to catalogue source materials preserved among the Oirats in Xinjiang.

I used to take pictures of every page, especially when staying at the foot of the Tngri Mountain, where I estab- lished my center of the four districts at the upper stream Ili River: Mongolküre, Tekes, Nilka and Qapqal, and every year for a few months I did my fieldwork there. Every time I discussed with the owner of the text if he agreed that I take pic- tures of every page with a digital camera. If a person did not agree, I took notes about the biography of the owner, wrote down the text title and measurements of the book.

During the first two times there was a clear technical difference since in order to take photographs I used modern techniques of that time, namely camera and films and in this way the texts have been preserved till now.

In terms of contents, these texts can be divided into several subjects, listed below. Those kept in the Russian archives have been quite well studied or used for research.

In the Histori- cal Archive No 1 in China and Archive Dangsa ebkemel-ün gajar of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region as well as in several local libraries and archives there is still correspondence awaiting researchers to study it.

In the Historical Archive No 1 in China there are preserved important letters from the end of the 17th century and from the 18th century. In the Archive of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region there are three important documents con- nected with the 18th century history as well as plethora of correspondence dealing with the history of Oirats. These documents have not been carefully studied so far by anyone and have not been used in scholarly works as source materials.

Nevertheless, in China materials in archives and registers, which are connected with Oirat history and culture are not small in number and there can be found important documents among them. There are not many letters among the documents in the Clear Script kept at the upper stream Ili River. What has been preserved is mainly correspondence circulating between monasteries and temples during the time of the Republic of China kept by individuals.

Collecting official documents and studying them have been rather thoroughly conducted by Java-yin Dusan from the Pedagogical Center of Tekes district in the Kazakh Autonomous Province. He was able to ascertain that these documents had been preserved by Qogayin Genjab b. These are the documents which were circulating between the monastery of Tekes Qutugtu Teges-ün qutugtu-yin küriy-e and the monastery of Ili Ili-yin süm-e keyid.

Also in the hands of Eligen-ü Osor from Sagaralqan of Qaltagan sumun of Egülder Morin-u Talabai of the Nilka district there is one private letter written in the Manchu language. In China there is a very small number of such historical works assembled in official collections. However, in the upper stream Ili River it was possible to discover several historical texts.

It covers the life story of Zaya Pandita from his birth in till his death in and some events which happened in the period between and in connection with the incarnation of Zaya Pandita, when he was a child.

It is a rare and important historical text which accurately describes religion, politics, economy and army of the 17th century. Several manuscripts of this text have also been found in Russia and Mongolia. Furthermore a part of shabi nar i. In they came from the Volga region to Tekes and settled down there. It remains unavailable for scholarly work and for publish- ing.

During my fieldwork in — I heard about four copies of this text. One was kept by Bayangsig, a teacher in the secondary school in the Mongolküre district he died suddenly. Historical sources in the Clear Script which pertain to Oirat religion and history are very small in number. The text mentioned here, a very important source, was unknown until In the past this text was not studied and has not been published in the form of facsimile.

This rare and important text was known only from one note-book, but last year we found its original copy. The existing ones are mainly handbooks of alphabet of the Clear Script, its transcription as well as explanations and translations.

Regarding literature, there exist more texts than on the language. Nowadays some people still preserve them with due care. There are also other texts which have never been studied. These are texts on Buddhism. At the upper stream Ili River we can find only Buddhist texts. No texts on any other religion have been found. At the beginning of the 17th century, under the leadership of the nobleman Bayibagas all Four Oirats accepted Buddhism. The majority of texts which were traditionally transmitted are translations from the time of Zaya Pandita.

At the upper stream Ili River there can be found many books written in the Clear Script. Not only are they not placed in official collections, but there also exist numerous authentically rare texts, such as Altan Gerel, printed in the 18th century by the Kalmyks from the Volga region. When Ölets propitiate obo, i. When relations are being established between parents of a new couple, there is a custom called josu talbiqu yosu custom to set money.

In this custom words are very meaningful. There exists a text called yosu-yin üge orosibai words of the cus- tom. Moreover, we can also find texts connected with such practices as copying and recitation of a religious text, and others. So far it seems to be the only known rock inscription in the Clear Script. We received reports about other examples of the Clear Script rock inscriptions in the upper stream Ili River, however, we did not have time so far to examine them and we plan to do it in future.

Summing up, it can be concluded that according to my estimation the upper stream Ili River is the region in which the worldwide largest collection of texts written in the Clear Script todo üsüg is kept in the hands of a small number of indi- viduals, while the whole area deserves attention of scholars on Mongolian history and culture.

This ushered in a new era of research on the so-called outer regions of the Qing Empire. However, as other archival collections in the world, Qing archives can only preserve fragments and the historian will find that some voices have been silenced.

When archival material was later used for the compilation of official court his- tories, it was again subjected to a process of selection and adjustment. Accord- ingly, the Huang Qing Kaiguo Fanglüe, a compilation commissioned in to glorify the history of the Manchu royal house before , leaves no doubt that by the mid-seventeenth century the Mongols living south of the Gobi were firmly integrated into the Qing Empire.

We are informed that in May forty-nine representatives of sixteen Mongolian polities urged the Manchu ruler to adopt an honorary title and on the occasion of the proclamation of the Qing dynasty vowed allegiance to the emperor. For this reason, it is interesting to occasionally find archival evidence that Mongolian authorities at the time were not as submis- sive to imperial rule as official history tries to make us believe.

Die Gründung des Mandschurischen Kaiserreiches, pp. The girl was later adopted by the emperor as his daughter. In , it was more than thirty years ago that representatives of this polity had allied with the ancestors of the Qing imperial house. In the case of the Joriktu Cin Wang, they found fault with the fact that he had not asked for imperial permission to postpone his visit, but had simply declined the invitation. When looking for traces of Mongol opposition to Manchu rule what naturally comes to mind are instances of armed resistance.

Tenggis had shown respect to the emperor in and in had been granted the title of a Jun Wang. In retro- spect, there can be no doubt that the secure status of the Mongolian nobility under Qing rule went hand in hand with a loss of political autonomy.

Some members of the Southern Mongolian nobility were aware of their growing marginalization and did not hesitate to ex- press their unease. Affronting the emperor by disrespect- ful behaviour may have been a strategy pursued to gain more recognition and im- perial attention. When drafting a proposal for the emperor of how to deal with the two noblemen, the Lifanyuan insisted that the two princes should be punished for their disrespectfulness and should be brought to the capital and blamed there.

The emperor rejected this proposal and ordered the Lifanyuan to discuss the matter again. The imperial answer to the memorial of the Lifanyuan goes as follows: Your ministry should get together with the officials of the three banners,19 discuss the matter and make a memorial!

Die Gründung des Mandschurischen Kaiserreiches, p. Elliott, The Manchu Way. In the rescript, however, when addressing the Lifanyuan, he makes clear, that his invitation was an order in Manchu: It seems that for all parties concerned, the warm invitation to a family reunion could not conceal the obligatory character of his letter.

This is an important point, because it is characteristic of the nature of the relationship, which was characterized by a parallel use of a vocabulary of affection and the emphasis on family ties and at the same time outright political pressure.

This was a clear breach of the principles relevant in a patronage relationship which was both personal and political. Accord- ing to the rules of patronage, verbal formula emphasizing mutual affection, grati- tude and respect were essential for maintaining the bond between the two sides.

It was a clear signal and, ac- cordingly, at the court it was interpreted as hostile behaviour. It was a symbolic act of commitment aimed at uniting the group into a whole and defining the status of individuals in relation to others.

The special importance the first Qing emperor in his communication with the Mongolian nobility placed on formal expressions of respect and a correct terminology suggests that in the early Qing period symbols, signs and rituals were not only means to demonstrate differences in status, but had constitutive functions and were a way to establish hierarchies. Defining codes of behaviour was a way of creating and maintaining social and political relations and, by the details of ceremony, every participant was granted a certain position within the structures of the polity.

As the case of the renegade leader Tenggis shows, use of force was an option, but for the Qing it was not the only possible way of disciplining unruly behaviour on part of the Mongolian nobility.

Such a step would inevitably lead to a change in the nature of the Manchu-Mongolian relationship, which so far maintained the appear- ance of a voluntary agreement. Injuring the dignity of leading members of the Mongolian nobility who had been on close terms with the Qing ruling house since decades would also have been a signal to other Mongolian leaders.

The remaining part of the payment had to be shared among the noblemen of their jurisdiction. The personal character of the invitation and the fact that it apparently was brought forward incidentally, could not obscure the fact that in Manchu Mongolian relations there had been a trend towards formalization and standardization. Heuschert, Die Gesetzgebung, pp. The tendentiousness of military histories, which were compiled and circulated in order to celebrate the glorious victories of the dynasty, has been emphasized on various sides.

Oyunbilig and Michael Weiers, in eighteenth century historical narratives, events of the seventeenth century were frequently embedded in the political framework of the eighteenth century. According to the Huang Qing Kaiguo Fanglüe , as early as August , the court had specified fines to be paid by members of the nobility who did not appear at a court meeting. This regulation explicitly did not refer to meetings in the context of military campaigns, but to regular meetings in the capital or meetings convened by the emperor.

For him, it was important to reach a broad consensus among the Mongolian nobility and to maintain the appearance that their support of the Manchu project was on a voluntary basis.

Legal and administrative codes as collections of imperial decrees are sources of a different type and as a mirror of the political constellations at the time they are much more reliable than literary chronicles of war. However, when reading the Lifanyuan Zeli Regulations of the Lifanyuan or the Huidian Collected Statues in order to reconstruct the history of the relations between Mongolian rulers and the Qing court,30 one cannot presume that these sources are completely without bias.

The regulations sometimes rather reflect the ambitious concepts of Lifanyuan offi- cials, who had drafted regulations, which after meeting with imperial approval were incorporated into collections of imperial directives. Elliott, Emperor Qianlong, pp.

This aspect is all too easily overlooked. While there is a lot of information on the rules concerning the frequency of visits of Mongolian nobles at the court, the composition of the delegations or the number and value of presents, the question of whether or not the Mongolian side actually accepted an invitation does not come up. Court publications tend to present arrangements for visits of Mongols at the court as an accomplished fact and omit information about the role of Mongols as actors.

Archival material can help us to reconstruct the processes of debate, which preceded the establishment of court rituals which are often seen as salient features of Manchu-Mongolian relations during the Qing period. It reminds us that Man- chu policies were also met with opposition and regulations were not always accept- ed as readily as might appear from the perusal of official publications.

Symbolik und Herrschaft im Mittelalter, Darmstadt, Primus. Essays from the Sawyer Seminar, ed. Dalizhabu, Beijing, Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe, — Government Printing Office, —, Reprint , Taipei: Government Printing Office, , Reprint , Taipei: Festschrift für Walther Heissig zum Klaus Sagaster et al. Das Altuigurische hat deutliche Spuren in verschiedenen Turksprachen hinterlas- sen. Um die modernen Turksprachen zu verstehen, ist die Kenntnis der altuiguri- schen Überlieferung notwendig — und umgekehrt: Um die Formen und die richtige Bedeutung im Altuigurischen zu erkennen und zu verstehen, brauchen wir verglei- chende Studien.

Das moderne Uigurisch gehört zu den Turksprachen, die altuigu- rische Besonderheiten besonders gut bewahrt haben, Besonderheiten, die in ande- ren Turksprachen nicht mehr vorkommen. Die Erforschung altuigurischer Elemente im Neuuigurischen hat bei uiguri- schen Wissenschaftlern selbst schon in den 50er Jahren begonnen.

Er begleitete sie persönlich bei einer Reihe sich über mehrere Jahre erstreckender Feldforschungen, deren Ziel darin bestand, Materia- lien zur Dialektologie zu sammeln.

Dabei galt sein besonderes Augenmerk altuigu- rischen Elementen des Wortschatzes, die an bestimmten Orten oder bei bestimm- ten Gruppen noch im Gebrauch waren.

In der Zukunft werden diese selten verwendeten, aber wichtigen sprachlichen Erbstücke durch die Verbesserung der Verkehrsverbindung zwischen Städten und Dörfern langsam verloren gehen. Wir sollen uns beeilen, um diesen Wortschatz rechtzeitig zu sammeln, und wenn es möglich ist, sollten wir ihn auch verwenden.

In den 60er und 70er Jahren, während der Zeit der Kulturrevolution in China, bestanden kaum Möglichkeiten, sich mit Wissenschaft zu beschäftigen. Erst nach seiner Freilassung konnte er die begonnenen Studien wieder aufnehmen. In den er Jahren haben wir Uiguren zwei sehr wertvolle Gäste in unserer Heimat empfangen können.

Sie bestand in einer enormen Ermutigung für uigurische Intellektuelle, die sich ihr Leben lang mit diesem Gebiet beschäftigten, doch kaum Unterstützung erfahren haben. Dies ist ein beachtlicher Fortschritt für die Dia- lektstudien, doch sollten solche Forschungen auch zu weiteren uigurischen Dialek- ten durchgeführt werden. Dies hat mich veranlasst, Beispiele für im modernen Uiguri- schen noch vorhandenen Wortschatz altuigurischer Dokumente zu sammeln.

Be- sonders die Kontrakte aus Turfan gewähren einen unmittelbaren Einblick in die wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Verhältnisse sowie die privaten Lebensumstände der Uiguren unter mongolischer Herrschaft. Bei einem Kontrakt oder Vertrag handelt es sich um eine in Schriftform gebrachte Vereinbarung zwischen mindestens zwei Parteien. Im Folgenden werde ich einen kurzen Überblick über die Ergebnisse meiner vergleichenden Studie vorstellen.

Selbst durch die Islamisierung haben sich die Strukturen dieser Dokumente wenig verändert. Der erste Vertrag gehört in das Jahrhundert, der zweite datiert aus dem Jahre Vertrag aus dem Über die kunpu als Kaufpreis haben wir uns wie folgt besprochen. Wir haben ihn aus kunpu festgesetzt, die auf dem Basar von Wenn es ihm gefällt, möge er es selbst behalten, wenn es ihm nicht gefällt, möge er es anderen Leuten weiter verkaufen.

Wenn sie daran denken, es in Frage zu stellen und zurück zufordern, dann sollen ihre Worte nicht gelten. Wenn jemand, die Macht von herrschenden Beamten in Anspruch nehmend, es zurück- zukaufen wünscht, dann soll er es zurückkaufen, wenn er zwei Landstücke an eben diesem Kanal und im Wert dieses Landstücks gibt.

Dieses Landstücks Begrenzungen sind: Wenn meine Kinder oder einer meiner Verwandten es zurückfordern sollten, sollen ihre Worte nicht gelten sie sollen im Falle einer Rückforderung keinerlei Ansprüche darauf haben. Das ist ein Kontrakt vom siebten Tag des Das Formular der uig. Schuldurkunden wurde schon vor fast 80 Jahren zum Ge- genstand der wissenschaftlichen Forschung. Wenn man aber dieses Verkaufsdokument mit dem Verkaufsdoku- ment aus dem Jahre vergleicht, bemerkt man, dass das Formular sich kaum verändert hat.

Ich will aber hier nicht die Formulare vergleichen, sondern mich interessiert die Kontinuität des Wortschatzes der Kontrakte. Ein nicht geringer Teil des Wort- schatzes der altuigurischen Kontrakte aus der Yuan-Zeit ist nämlich auch im Neu- Uigurischen noch in Gebrauch, wie u. Er ist bei den Uiguren in Turfan nach wie vor in Gebrauch. Bei der Heirat sollte nach religiösem Recht die als süt häqqi bestimmte Summe festgelegt werden. Es bedeutet dasselbe wie im Altuigurischen.

Es geht zurück auf chin. Solche Verbkombinationen werden im Neuuig. Wie man sieht, zeigt sich die Kontinuität zwischen dem Alt-Uigurischen und dem Neu-Uigurischen vor allem in Idiomen oder festen Redewendungen. Es über- rascht daher nicht, wenn man auch bei Sprichwörtern eine besondere Kontinuität beobachten kann. TTD II , ; —9. Je älter ein Wildschafsbock wird, umso seltener wird er sich verlaufen. Ein näherer Vergleich des Lexikons dürfte weitere Belege zutage fördern, die eine be- merkenswerte Kontinuität der Denk- und Ausdrucksweise aufzeigen.

Clauson QUYW s. Til wä Tärjimä I, 15— Among the Uighur documents, II. Introduction to the Uyghur civil documents of East Turkestan 13th—14th cc. Dissertation of Indiana University Bloomington. An etymological dictionary of pre-thirteenth- century Turkish. Lishi Yanjiu 1, — Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan Xuebao 2, 43— Kaogu Xuebao 4, — Minzu Yuwen Lunji, — A study of two Uighur contracts of the Yuan dynasty — Many of the seals also bear a tamga in the form of an inverted Tibetan letter Cha , which was commonly used on coins issued by several Chaghatayid khans — , in particular Duwa reigned AH —, AD — It is thus known as the "Chaghatayid tamga" or "Duwa tamga".

There is one seal only that has a definite Chinese Phags-pa inscription U , in Phags-pa seal script and imprinted in red. In addition to the above examples, the following manuscripts have, or have been claimed to have, Phags-pa Uyghur seals:.

Thursday, 22 December Tangut in Tibetan. The following pages are currently available, but I hope to add more manuscripts next year: Addendum [] Marc Miyake has posted a series of commentaries on this post: Tangut Through Tibetan Part 1: Posted by Andrew West at Share to Twitter Share to Facebook. Friday, 11 November Phags-pa Uyghur Seals. Drawings of six types of seals on Uyghur documents Matsui Fig.

U Illegible. MongHT where pol sun is miswritten pop sun , although that does not give an obvious reading either. The Phags-pa letters are written in the seal script style that is normal for Chinese Phags-pa official seals; this is different to the Phags-pa Uyghur seal inscriptions, which use ordinary Phags-pa letters. Illegible plus Chaghatayid tamga. Orthographically, the final -d for qut where the other seals have -th is unexpected but plausible, and the initial p- for bol is not that unusual cf.

MongHT Unknown writing Mongolian? MongHT recto Unknown writing on both sides, plus Chaghatayid tamga. In addition to the above examples, the following manuscripts have, or have been claimed to have, Phags-pa Uyghur seals: DreamTeam Renovations and Contracting began in While we have grown, we still relate to ourselves as a small company and yet large enough to provide you with the management, service and quality you deserve.

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